Monday, January 17, 2011

Lohri Party Invitation

Reagan and Thatcher were Chinese economists




By Eduardo Crespo (*)


specialist at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro Eduardo Crespo repasa las principales tendencias de la economía mundial. Considera que en Europa lo peor de la crisis todavía no llegó y que en Estados Unidos es difícil saber si quedó atrás. Para el resto del mundo, en particular para América Latina, pronostica la continuidad del crecimiento.


Asia, América Latina y África seguirán creciendo en 2011. Los precios internacionales de las materias primas se recuperan y la demanda asiática crece a niveles precrisis. Las principales economías de estas regiones redujeron sabiamente sus niveles de endeudamiento en monedas extranjeras y acumularon cuantiosas reservas en dólares. En la mayoría de los casos, aplican políticas económicas expansivas. The demand for food and raw materials from China and Asia in general will continue growing for several years, at least until the urbanization and industrialization over a certain critical threshold. In the case of Latin America, these trends reinforce because they tend to improve terms of trade. Prices of imported industrial products tend to be defined increasingly by Asians costs, while prices of raw materials are also driven up by demand from Asia. In the short term, the biggest problem, certainly not least, is that this process generates a floor high enough inflation throughout the region.

U.S.: no reforms of the regime that caused the crisis
The situation in the U.S. and Europe is quite different. In the U.S., the intervention of the Fed (Federal Reserve Bank-) managed to avoid a complete collapse of the banking and financial system. On this basis there was an incipient recovery. However, Americans remain highly indebted households, especially those composed of workers. And the debt coincided with a structural stagnation of wages. In this context, it is foreseeable that the United States regain high growth rates until the private debt is not reduced to more manageable levels, which probably will not happen in a short time. Today, unemployment in the United States about 10% and you can hear many voices calling for the government to reduce the fiscal deficit, as much delay recovery. On the other hand, Obama did not lead to any substantial reform of the institutional arrangements that generated this crisis. The financial market remains as unregulated as before. He was rescued from bankruptcy and paid nothing for the damage caused. And if this is added a context of low interest rates, it is unlikely to return to financial bubbles generated (such as commodities) to revive the economy temporarily, but once completed the system re-immersed in a crisis. Therefore, the United States in the next times will continue to receive reports found, some that aim to recover and others will announce further declines in activity levels.

Europe: a country's monetary provinces nonexistent
In Europe the picture is much bleaker. Now faces the dilemma of widespread default and an output of the euro by several countries, especially PIIGS (Portugal, Ireland, Italy, Greece and Spain) or a long deflation that could still end up in default and the breakdown of euro . Within the existing asymmetries Union tended to worsen in recent years. In all PIIGS private sector borrowed without interruption (in Greece also had this happen with the public sector) and their economies remain a chronic trade deficit with Germany. And it is precisely those economies that grew and increased their productivity. However, lost competitiveness with Germany, because in this country contractionary policies of wage restraint and wage improvements allowed to go behind productivity. Before the euro, these asymmetries were corrected with devaluations. This is the case of Italy during the postwar miracle. But now, with a common currency, this solution does not exist. Each country became a province of a country's monetary nonexistent. Fiscal policies, industrial wages are administered separately by each country. The European Central Bank has no debt for the entire block and is committed to the performance of countries in financial distress. Thus, when the crisis came to Europe, each country had to bail out its financial system without monetary autonomy. It was in this context that fiscal deficits appeared in most of these economies, while also began to fear for non-payment of public debts. This is one of the major differences in Europe in relation to the U.S..

devaluation and neo-protectionism Wars
Today there is a trend appreciation of the currencies of emerging markets, not the devaluation. Moreover, the crisis countries are pushing for this to happen. Now, we might ask: Is it likely a significant devaluation of the dollar or the euro against the currencies of emerging economies? In the case of the dollar, I understand that if this occurs will be more the result of a decision (or pressure) policy that the result of a market mechanism. And the reason is simple: the countries that count most in this story, especially China, fixing the price of their currencies against the dollar by accumulating reservations. Thus, only strong American pressure could promote a devaluation of the dollar against the yuan. As the euro is not expected a sharp devaluation at the moment. Especially considering the horror that the Germans have for inflation. Protectionism always
strengthens in times of crisis. And for this to occur is not necessary to intensify tariff protection or competitive devaluations. There are many other forms of protection, sometimes subtle, which is already being implemented in most places, such as para-tariff measures and disguised forms of protection such as environmental restrictions, health, etc. In fact, many European authors, as Sergio Cesaratto, say German protectionism, predominantly before and after the crisis, as one of the main causes of the crisis in the euro. In other words, the policy of keeping a lid on wages relative to productivity and to promote a kind of suppressed growth in domestic demand and exports can only be interpreted as promoting a form of protectionism.

China: "guilty of all"
Many analysts pointed to China as the main cause of the crisis. Undoubtedly, the expansion of production in China in the world market and the relocation of companies from the U.S. and Europe to China may have negative consequences on employment and wages Americans and Europeans. Now, China is not responsible for the stagnation of wages in the United States or by the reckless financial deregulation. These are trends that had been imposed well before China began to gravitate in the world market. Except now it is found that Reagan and Thatcher were disguised as Anglo Chinese, I think the explanation must be sought elsewhere. Nor can we blame China for European contractionary policies and institutions for the horrors that accompanied the birth of the euro. Moreover, the entry of cheap products from China to the United States helped to maintain low levels inflation, even in periods of high growth as the second half of '90. Moreover, and this is the most important, the crisis has no direct relationship with the U.S. trade deficit. In contrast, at the height of the crisis increased the demand for dollars and many currencies depreciated against the dollar. And the reason is simple: the crisis originated in the inability of millions of American debtors to paying their debts in dollars. If it were a balance of payments crisis that weakens the dollar, is not understood why the U.S. is pressuring China and almost all emerging to stop buying dollars. And in Europe it is exactly same. The debts are denominated in euros and some of their economies, like Germany, are among the most competitive in the world. Others found more ingenious explanations when the Chinese hold. Even said that the purchase of dollars by China generated the low interest rates that drove the financial bubbles. It's amazing as far as the ideology. Low interest rates in America were a result of deliberate policy by the Fed since the 90s. In times of Clinton triggered a sharp reduction in public spending. In this context, what explains the strong growth experienced in the U.S. economy in a period of fiscal contraction? For a Keynesian this could be a paradox. Economic orthodoxy, now absurdly accused the Chinese by low interest rates, then celebrated the "expansionary fiscal contraction." But what was the real cause of the expansion? I understand that the answer is simple: low interest rates fueled by the Fed encouraged a boom in private debt more than offset the fiscal contraction 2

Morning Neuquen, 17/01/2011

(*) Political scientist, economist and professor at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro.

Thursday, January 6, 2011

Spare Bulbs Stranne Lamp

Manifesto terrified


Crisis and debt in Europe: 10 false evidence, 22 to debate measures to break the impasse


Rebellion Translated from French by Beatriz Morales Bastos

Introduction

The global economic recovery, which led to a massive injection of public expenditure the economic cycle (from the U.S. to China) is real but fragile. One continent is still lagging behind Europe. Retrieve the path of economic growth is not its political priority. Has taken a different path: the fight against public deficits.

In the EU these deficits are indeed high - 7% average 2010 - but well below the 11% U.S.. While some states of economic weight more important than that of Greece, for example, California is nearly bankrupt, financial markets have decided to speculate in sovereign debt of European countries, particularly in the south. In fact, Europe has been caught in their own institutional trap: States must borrow from private financial institutions get cash at a low price of the European Central Bank. Consequently, markets are the key to the financing of States. In this context, the lack of European solidarity raises speculation, especially since rating agencies play to accentuate the mistrust. It took

Moody lowered the note of Greece on 15 June for European leaders meet again the term "irrationality" that both had been employed at the beginning of the subprime crisis. Likewise we discover now that Spain is much more threatened by the fragility of its growth model and its banking system for its public debt.

to "calm the markets" is improvised a euro Stabilization Fund and launched across Europe plans to reduce public spending drastically and often blind. The officials are the first affected, in France, where the rise in the prices of their pensions will decrease her salary covert. Everywhere reduces the number of staff, threatening to public services. With the current pension reform from the Netherlands to Portugal via France social benefits are in the process of being severely amputated. In the coming years will necessarily develop unemployment and job insecurity. These measures are irresponsible from a standpoint of both political and social as well as strictly economic.

This policy, very tentatively has calmed speculation, already has a very negative consequences many European countries, most particularly in youth, in the world of work and on the most fragile. In the long stoke tensions in Europe and thus threaten the European construction itself is much more than an economic project. It is assumed that the economy is in the service of building a democratic continent, peaceful and united. Instead it imposes on all parties a sort of dictatorship of the markets and particularly today in Portugal, Spain and Greece, three countries that were still dictatorships in the early 1970's, just forty years ago.

already interpreted as a desire to "calm the markets" frightened by rulers or as a pretext to impose choices dictated by ideology, submission to the dictatorship is not acceptable because it has proven its economic inefficiency and its destructive potential on the political and social. It should open in France and in Europe a real democratic debate on economic policy choices. Most economists involved in public debate do to justify or rationalize the subservience of politicians to the demands of financial markets.

Indeed, everywhere the authorities have had to improvise a Keynesian stimulus plans and sometimes even temporarily nationalize the banks. But they want to quickly close the parentheses. The neoliberal software is always the one who is recognized as legitimate, despite their patent failure. Based on the assumption that the efficiency of financial markets should reduce public spending, privatize public services, labor market flexibility, trade liberalization, financial services and capital markets, increasing competition in all fields and everywhere ...

As economists we are terrified to see that these policies are still the order of the day and its theoretical foundations have not been questioned. However, the events have highlighted the arguments advanced thirty years to guide the choices of European economic policies. The crisis has exposed the dogmatic and unfounded most of the alleged evidence repeated ad nauseam by decision makers and their advisers. Whether the efficiency and rationality of financial markets, the need to cut spending to reduce debt or to strengthen the "stability pact", is to question these false evidence and show the plurality of options possible in economic policy. Other options are possible and desirable condition, first, to loosen the wheel tax for the financial industry to public policy. We

below a critical presentation of ten principles that continue to inspire every day decisions of public authorities across Europe despite the denials hurtful provided by the financial crisis and its consequences. This is false evidence underlying unfair and ineffective measures against which to expose twenty-two proposals for discussion. Each of them do not necessarily enjoy the unanimity of the signatories of this manifesto, but must be taken seriously if you want to pull Europe out of its impasse. Table des matières

:
Manifesto economists
* terrified *
FALSE EVIDENCE 1: equity and debt markets are efficient
* FALSE EVIDENCE # 2: THE FINANCIAL MARKETS ARE FAVORABLE ECONOMIC GROWTH
* FALSE EVIDENCE # 3: THE MARKETS ARE GOOD JUDGES OF THE SOLVENCY OF THE STATES
* FALSE EVIDENCE # 4: THE SPECTACULAR RISE OF PUBLIC DEBT IS THE RESULT OF EXCESSIVE COSTS
* FALSE EVIDENCE # 5: YOU MUST REDUCE COSTS TO REDUCE THE PUBLIC DEBT *
N FALSE EVIDENCE 6: PUBLIC DEBT MOVE OUR PRICE EXCESS OF OUR GRANDCHILDREN
* FALSE EVIDENCE 7: ENSURE THAT THERE FINANCIAL MARKETS IN ORDER TO FINANCE THE PUBLIC DEBT
* FALSE EVIDENCE No. 8: THE EUROPEAN UNION DEFENDS THE EUROPEAN SOCIAL MODEL
* FALSE EVIDENCE # 9: THE EURO IS A SHIELD AGAINST THE CRISIS
* FALSE EVIDENCE # 10: THE GREEK CRISIS HAS FINALLY ALLOWED TO PROGRESS TOWARDS AN ECONOMIC GOVERNANCE AND A REAL EUROPEAN SOLIDARITY
* CONCLUSION


original page

Wednesday, January 5, 2011

Mixed Wrestling Cartoons

TEN THESES ON NEW DEVELOPMENTALISM

São Paulo School of Economics of Getulio Vargas Foundation
Structuralist Macroeconomics Development Center






On May 24 and 25 of 2010, a group of economists sharing a Keynesian and structuralist development macroeconomics approach convened in São Paulo to discuss ten theses on New Developmentalism – the name that some of them have been using for some years to describe the national development strategy that middle income countries are today using or should use to promote development and economic catching up.

The meeting was part of the Financial Governance and the New Developmentalism project, financed by the Ford Foundation. The project has as its background the failure of the Washington Consensus to promote growth in Latin America and the 2008 Global Financial Crisis that showed the limits and dangers involved in financial globalization and financial deregulation.

The workshop was held in the aftermath of the biggest financial crisis in history in which was evident the impact of open capital markets on exchange rates and the prices of tradable goods. G20 and individual countries are now building the required regulation of financial markets.

Given that and the repeated financial crises in middle income developing countries, the general objective of the workshop was to evaluate how effective a new developmentalism strategy might be in promoting growth with stability. The specific objective was to discuss ten theses on new developmentalism that participants had been asked to think about in advance of the meeting.

After two days of lively discussion, the local organizers of the workshop were charged with editing the theses to reflect the debate. The final version has now been endorsed by the original participants of the workshop. Other economists and social scientists committed to the idea of economic growth with stability and social equity are now also invited to subscribe.


1. Economic development is a structural process of utilizing all available domestic resources to provide the maximum environmentally sustainable rate of capital accumulation building on incorporation of technical progress. The primary objective is to provide full employment of available labor resources. Not only should this involve increasing productivity in each industry, it also involves finance and the continuous transfer of labor to industries producing goods and services with higher value added per capita and paying higher wages and salaries.

2. Markets are the major locus of this process, but the state has a strategic role in providing the appropriate institutional framework to support this structural process. This includes promoting a financial structure and financial institutions that channel domestic resources to the development of innovation in sectors that produce high rates of increase in domestic value added. This framework should also include measures aimed at overcoming structural imbalances and promoting international competitiveness.

3. In the context of globalization, economic development requires a national development strategy which seizes global opportunities i.e. global economies of scale and multiple sources of technological learning, mitigates barriers to innovation created by excessively strong intellectual property regimes, assures financial stability, and creates investment opportunities to private entrepreneurs.

4. Although the Schumpeterian side of the development process and strategic industrial policy are relevant, the demand side is where the major growth bottlenecks unfold.
Since Keynes it has been widely recognized that supply does not automatically create demand. However, in developing countries there are two additional structural tendencies that limit demand and investment: the tendency of wages to increase at rates below the growth of the productivity, and a structural tendency to overvaluation of the real and/or nominal exchange rate.

5. The tendency of wages to increase more slowly than productivity growth is due to the existence of an abundant supply of labor and of the political economy of labor markets. Besides limiting domestic demand and reinforcing income concentration in the
higher classes, this tendency can also affect long term productivity growth negatively. A legal minimum wage, cash transfers to the poor, and principally a government guarantee to provide employment at a living wage could be used to neutralize this tendency to underpay labor. The alternative – chronic overvaluation of the national currency that increases purchasing power– is not a sustainable strategy.

6. The tendency to cyclical overvaluation of the exchange rate in developing countries has been due to both the excessive reliance on external savings in the form of foreign capital flows and the Dutch disease in the context of excessively open capital markets and lack of appropriate regulation. This tendency implies that the exchange rate in developing countries is not just volatile, but it also contributes to recurrent currency crises and recurrent bubbles in the financial markets. It also implies that export oriented investment opportunities are chronically insufficient because exchange rate overvaluation renders
even the most efficient business enterprises uncompetitive internationally.

7. Dutch disease may be characterized as a permanent overvaluation of the national currency due to Ricardian rents originated from the export of commodities based on natural resources or exports based on ultra cheap labor. Dutch disease impedes other tradable industries from prospering. It does so by creating a wedge between the “current account equilibrium exchange rate” (the exchange rate that balances the current account) and the “industrial equilibrium exchange rate” – the exchange rate that allows tradable industries to be competitive utilizing state-of-the-art technology.

8. Economic development should be financed essentially with domestic savings. In order to achieve this goal, the creation of public financial institutions to ensure full utilization of domestic resources, in particular labor, finance innovation and support investment is required. The attempt to use foreign savings via current account deficits usually does not increase the investment rate (as claimed by orthodox economics), but instead increases domestic indebtedness and reinforces financial instability. Growth strategies that rely on foreign savings cause financial fragility; get governments caught up in regressive “confidence building” games; and, all too often end with a balance of payments or currency crisis.

9. In order to provide the appropriate framework for development the government must ensure a stable long term relation between the public debt and GDP and a real exchange rate that takes account of the need to counter the adverse effects on the manufacturing industry of Dutch disease.

10. To achieve long term development economic policies should pursue full employment as its primary goal, while assuring price and financial stability.
These ten propositions are not intended to be a comprehensive recipe for development.
Rather they are intended to be a set of propositions that a wide array of economists can subscribe to. These propositions should be adjusted according to a proper mix, specific to each domestic productive, social and political context. Nothing has been said about the global financial and trade architecture which are clearly matters that need attention in the new environment of globalization that binds economies so closely together, often in forms of adverse competition. The economists that subscribe this document are not saying that they agree fully with all its ten theses. They are just saying

Sao Paulo, September 29, 2010

Original subscribers

Agosin, Manuel
Amsden, Alice
Arestis, Phillip
Baer, \u200b\u200bWerner
Belluzzo, Luiz Gonzaga
Bhaduri, Amit
Bielschowsky, Ricardo
Blecker, Robert
Block, Fred
Boyer, Robert
Bresser Pereira, Luiz Carlos
Bruno, Miguel
Bruszt, Laszlo
Burlamaqui, Leonardo
Carneiro, Ricardo Carvalho
, Fernando Cardim of
Chandrasekhar, CP (Chandru)
Chang, Ha-Joon
Chavagneux, Christian
Chick, Victoria
Chilcote, Ronald
Coutinho, Luciano
Damill, Mario
Davidson, Paul
Del Pont, Mercedes
Dymski, Gary
Dulian, Sebastian
Dutt, Amitava
Epstein, Gerald
Faucher, Philippe
Ferrari, Fernando
Ferrer, Aldo
Frenkel, Roberto
Gala, Paulo
Galbraith, James
Gallagher, Kevin Garcia
, Norberto E.
Ghosh, Jayati
Girón, Alicia
Guillen, Arturo
Guttmann, Robert
Huber, Evelyne
Jomo KS
Kregel, Jan
Kupfer, David
Lazonick, William
Le Heron, Edwin
Lopez, Julio
Marconi, Nelson
Mazier Jacques
Nakano, Yoshiaki
Nayyar, Deepak
O'Connell,
Arturo Ocampo, José Antonio
Oreiro, José Luis
Palley, Thomas I.
Palma, Gabriel
Papadimitriou, Dimitri
Paula, Luiz Fernando de
Petit, Pascal
Popov, Vladimir
Prates, Daniela
Przeworski, Adam
Punzo, Lionello
Rapetti, Martin
Reinert, Erik S.
Ros, Jaime
Rueschemeyer, Dietrich
Salama, Pierre
Sawyer, Malcolm
Schneider, Ben Ross
Serrano, Franklin
Stephens, John
Sunkel, Osvaldo
Taylor, Lance
Vernengo, Matias
Wade, Robert
Weisbrot, Mark
Weiss, Linda
Wray, Randall